【新唐人2013年08月22日讯】《纽约时报》最近刊发文章透露，中共官员聚集在中国各地的会议大厅里，聆听高层领导发出一个严肃的秘密警告。他们被告知，如果党不能根除中国社会的七大潜在颠覆性力量的话，权力就可能被夺去。在这个被称为“九号文件”里面提到，七大危险以“西方宪政民主”为首，其他则包括对人权“普世价值”的宣扬等。大陆知识份子指出，中共开历史倒车只会激起民众的抵触和反抗，中共最终将会掉进万丈深渊。
《纽约时报》8月20号报导说，九号文件已经在中国各地通过一系列强制性学习班进行了传达。比如，湖南省的一个地方政府网站就讲到了这样的一个学习班。湖南衡阳市市委宣传部副部长成新平在一个矿业官员会议上说，“宣扬西方宪政民主是在企图否定党的领导，”他还说，人权倡导者希望“最终形成政治对抗力量”。
九号文件指称，一党专政的反对者“为了挑起公众对党和政府的不满，已经在揭露官员资产，利用互联网来打击腐败、反对媒体控制以及其他敏感问题上挑起了事端。”
《纽约时报》报导说，自从文件下发之后，中共的报刊和网站一直在强烈批判近年来不属“犯规”之列的宪政和公民社会观念。官员们加大了工作力度，防止公众看到互联网上的批评意见。两位知名的权益倡导人士在过去数周内相继被拘留。
原中央党校《学习时报》副编审邓聿文表示，他丝毫不担心中共喉舌对宪政的批判。
原中央党校学习时报副编审邓聿文：“这个你不可以从反面理解吗？越是批判越为宪政做广告。如果它不批判，人们对宪政还不关心，现在它这一批判全国人民都关心宪政了。所以在我看来越批判越好。”
北京注册会计师杜延林则认为，所有这些都预示着中共当局要彻底的开倒车。
北京注册会计师杜延林：“因为在这样一个大的时代背景下，在互联网时代，利用谎言和暴力想把历史拉回到文革，我觉得这是非常愚蠢的。这可能就像在一个高速行驶的公路上，一辆向前飞奔的汽车，那么你突然来一个急转向，那么他唯一的命运就是掉进万丈深渊。”
《纽约时报》报导说，中共当局对官员发出内部警告，显示出习近平在公众面前的自信外表背后的种种担心。例如，经济放缓，人们对腐败的公愤，急切期待政治改革的自由派发起了种种挑战，这些都容易对中共构成威胁。
九号文件馀音未了，8月19号至20号在北京召开的全国宣传思想工作会议上，中共新任总书记习近平又直接强调意识形态的极端重要性，声称“宣传思想工作就是要巩固马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位”。
杜延林认为，在现在的互联网时代，中国已经形成一种“市民社会”的状况，中共的意识形态和民间社会已经割裂，喉舌的宣传不会对民间产生甚么影响。
杜延林：“官方可以发出这样的声音，这样的号召，但是没有人会响应的。如果说他们的所作所为，他们所有的这些历史倒车如果影响到市民的生活，那么大家可能会起来抵触。我相信在不远的将来，民间会做出一个强有力的回应。当然这需要一些别的事件作为导火索。”
《纽约时报》报导说，中共内部支持深化西式经济变革的成员，往往跟那些推动法治、促进政治制度开放的人结为盟友，传统派却支持国家加大对经济和政治生活的双重控制。
报导还认为，习近平从两个敌对阵营中各取一点的做法，最终可能会让他自己的议程在党内纷争中陷入泥沼。习近平此前承认，正在放缓的中国经济需要更能推助市场的新动力，分析者指出，这种动力只能通过放宽政府管制来获得。
采访编辑/秦雪 后制/陈建铭
"Document No. 9": Exposed Secret Warning Indicates Chinese Regime On Verge of Collapse
The New York Times recently reveals that Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) cadres, at internal meetings,
have listened to a secretive top-level warning.
They were told that the CCP will lose its ruling power
if it doesn't eradicate seven major subversive currents.
The memo, called "Document No. 9", lists "western
constitutional democracy" as the first of seven dangers.
Other cover the "universal values" of human rights.
China's intellectuals think that if the CCP goes against
these historical trends, it will provoke public resistance.
The CCP will end, falling into the abyss.
The New York Times' article, dated August 20, says
"Document No. 9" has been conveyed in compulsory
study sessions among CCP cadres across China.
The study session is reported on a local
government website in Hunan Province.
Cheng Xinping, Vice Propaganda Chief, Hengyang
city in Hunan, spoke at a meeting for mining officials.
He said that, "preaching Western constitutional
democracy is trying to deny the CCP leadership."
He alleged that human rights advocates
expect to "join forces for a political confrontation."
"Document No. 9" alleges that opponents of
one-party dictatorship "aim to provoke public
dissatisfaction with the CCP and government."
"They have incited incidents on some sensitive issues.
These include exposing officials' assets, combating
corruption via internet, and opposing media control."
The New York Times comments that, "since the circular
was issued, party-run publications and web sites have
vehemently denounced constitutionalism and civil society.
These were notions that were not
considered off limits in recent years."
"Officials have intensified efforts to block
access to critical views on the Internet."
"Two prominent rights advocates have
been detained in the past few weeks."
Deng Yuwen is a former deputy editor of Learning Times,
the official journal of the CCP Central Party School.
He doesn't worry about the official CCP
media's criticism of constitutionalism.
Deng Yuwen: "Why don't we understand
the issue from the reverse side?
The more severe their criticism is, the more
they are publicizing constitutionalism.
The public would have known nothing about
constitutionalism if they hadn't censured it.
Now, with their intensive criticism, the whole
nation has given their attention to constitutionalism.
So in my view, it's better to see more criticism on this issue."
Beijing-based expert, Du Yanlin, suggests all this signals
that the CCP is ready to go into reverse completely.
Du Yanlin: "Today is the era of the internet.
I think it's stupid that the CCP authorities, with lies and
violence, try to put the clock back to the Cultural Revolution.
It's like a high-speed car running on a
highway suddenly makes a sharp turn.
What follows will only be a drop into the abyss."
The New York Times states that, "the internal
warnings to cadres show that Xi Jinping's
confident public face is accompanied by fear."
His dread includes that "the party is vulnerable to
an economic slowdown, public anger about corruption,
and challenges from liberals impatient for political change."
On August 19 -20, in Beijing, the CCP held
a national conference on propaganda work.
CCP leader Xi Jinping emphasized
ideology is extremely important.
He said that "propaganda work is to consolidate
the guiding role of Marxism in the field of ideology."
Du Yanlin says that nowadays, the internet
has helped form a "civil society" in China.
The CCP's ideology has been
isolated from folk society in China.
Thus, the CCP's propaganda will no
longer have a big impact on civilians.
Du Yanlin: "The society won't resonate
with the authorities' voice or appeal.
If the CCP actions to against historical trend
affects citizens' daily life, the people will resist it.
I believe in the near future, the public
will give a strong response to it.
This will be triggered by some other events."
According to The New York Times, "proponents
of deeper Western-style economic changes are
often allied with those pushing for rule of law
and a more open political system."
"While traditionalists favor greater state
control of both economic and political life."
The article quotes analysts.
"Xi Jinping's cherry picking of approaches from
each of the rival camps could end up miring
his own agenda into intra-party squabbling."
"Xi has acknowledged that the slowing economy
needs new, more market-driven momentum that
can come only from a relaxation of state influence."
《纽约时报》8月20号报导说，九号文件已经在中国各地通过一系列强制性学习班进行了传达。比如，湖南省的一个地方政府网站就讲到了这样的一个学习班。湖南衡阳市市委宣传部副部长成新平在一个矿业官员会议上说，“宣扬西方宪政民主是在企图否定党的领导，”他还说，人权倡导者希望“最终形成政治对抗力量”。
九号文件指称，一党专政的反对者“为了挑起公众对党和政府的不满，已经在揭露官员资产，利用互联网来打击腐败、反对媒体控制以及其他敏感问题上挑起了事端。”
《纽约时报》报导说，自从文件下发之后，中共的报刊和网站一直在强烈批判近年来不属“犯规”之列的宪政和公民社会观念。官员们加大了工作力度，防止公众看到互联网上的批评意见。两位知名的权益倡导人士在过去数周内相继被拘留。
原中央党校《学习时报》副编审邓聿文表示，他丝毫不担心中共喉舌对宪政的批判。
原中央党校学习时报副编审邓聿文：“这个你不可以从反面理解吗？越是批判越为宪政做广告。如果它不批判，人们对宪政还不关心，现在它这一批判全国人民都关心宪政了。所以在我看来越批判越好。”
北京注册会计师杜延林则认为，所有这些都预示着中共当局要彻底的开倒车。
北京注册会计师杜延林：“因为在这样一个大的时代背景下，在互联网时代，利用谎言和暴力想把历史拉回到文革，我觉得这是非常愚蠢的。这可能就像在一个高速行驶的公路上，一辆向前飞奔的汽车，那么你突然来一个急转向，那么他唯一的命运就是掉进万丈深渊。”
《纽约时报》报导说，中共当局对官员发出内部警告，显示出习近平在公众面前的自信外表背后的种种担心。例如，经济放缓，人们对腐败的公愤，急切期待政治改革的自由派发起了种种挑战，这些都容易对中共构成威胁。
九号文件馀音未了，8月19号至20号在北京召开的全国宣传思想工作会议上，中共新任总书记习近平又直接强调意识形态的极端重要性，声称“宣传思想工作就是要巩固马克思主义在意识形态领域的指导地位”。
杜延林认为，在现在的互联网时代，中国已经形成一种“市民社会”的状况，中共的意识形态和民间社会已经割裂，喉舌的宣传不会对民间产生甚么影响。
杜延林：“官方可以发出这样的声音，这样的号召，但是没有人会响应的。如果说他们的所作所为，他们所有的这些历史倒车如果影响到市民的生活，那么大家可能会起来抵触。我相信在不远的将来，民间会做出一个强有力的回应。当然这需要一些别的事件作为导火索。”
《纽约时报》报导说，中共内部支持深化西式经济变革的成员，往往跟那些推动法治、促进政治制度开放的人结为盟友，传统派却支持国家加大对经济和政治生活的双重控制。
报导还认为，习近平从两个敌对阵营中各取一点的做法，最终可能会让他自己的议程在党内纷争中陷入泥沼。习近平此前承认，正在放缓的中国经济需要更能推助市场的新动力，分析者指出，这种动力只能通过放宽政府管制来获得。
采访编辑/秦雪 后制/陈建铭
"Document No. 9": Exposed Secret Warning Indicates Chinese Regime On Verge of Collapse
The New York Times recently reveals that Chinese
Communist Party (CCP) cadres, at internal meetings,
have listened to a secretive top-level warning.
They were told that the CCP will lose its ruling power
if it doesn't eradicate seven major subversive currents.
The memo, called "Document No. 9", lists "western
constitutional democracy" as the first of seven dangers.
Other cover the "universal values" of human rights.
China's intellectuals think that if the CCP goes against
these historical trends, it will provoke public resistance.
The CCP will end, falling into the abyss.
The New York Times' article, dated August 20, says
"Document No. 9" has been conveyed in compulsory
study sessions among CCP cadres across China.
The study session is reported on a local
government website in Hunan Province.
Cheng Xinping, Vice Propaganda Chief, Hengyang
city in Hunan, spoke at a meeting for mining officials.
He said that, "preaching Western constitutional
democracy is trying to deny the CCP leadership."
He alleged that human rights advocates
expect to "join forces for a political confrontation."
"Document No. 9" alleges that opponents of
one-party dictatorship "aim to provoke public
dissatisfaction with the CCP and government."
"They have incited incidents on some sensitive issues.
These include exposing officials' assets, combating
corruption via internet, and opposing media control."
The New York Times comments that, "since the circular
was issued, party-run publications and web sites have
vehemently denounced constitutionalism and civil society.
These were notions that were not
considered off limits in recent years."
"Officials have intensified efforts to block
access to critical views on the Internet."
"Two prominent rights advocates have
been detained in the past few weeks."
Deng Yuwen is a former deputy editor of Learning Times,
the official journal of the CCP Central Party School.
He doesn't worry about the official CCP
media's criticism of constitutionalism.
Deng Yuwen: "Why don't we understand
the issue from the reverse side?
The more severe their criticism is, the more
they are publicizing constitutionalism.
The public would have known nothing about
constitutionalism if they hadn't censured it.
Now, with their intensive criticism, the whole
nation has given their attention to constitutionalism.
So in my view, it's better to see more criticism on this issue."
Beijing-based expert, Du Yanlin, suggests all this signals
that the CCP is ready to go into reverse completely.
Du Yanlin: "Today is the era of the internet.
I think it's stupid that the CCP authorities, with lies and
violence, try to put the clock back to the Cultural Revolution.
It's like a high-speed car running on a
highway suddenly makes a sharp turn.
What follows will only be a drop into the abyss."
The New York Times states that, "the internal
warnings to cadres show that Xi Jinping's
confident public face is accompanied by fear."
His dread includes that "the party is vulnerable to
an economic slowdown, public anger about corruption,
and challenges from liberals impatient for political change."
On August 19 -20, in Beijing, the CCP held
a national conference on propaganda work.
CCP leader Xi Jinping emphasized
ideology is extremely important.
He said that "propaganda work is to consolidate
the guiding role of Marxism in the field of ideology."
Du Yanlin says that nowadays, the internet
has helped form a "civil society" in China.
The CCP's ideology has been
isolated from folk society in China.
Thus, the CCP's propaganda will no
longer have a big impact on civilians.
Du Yanlin: "The society won't resonate
with the authorities' voice or appeal.
If the CCP actions to against historical trend
affects citizens' daily life, the people will resist it.
I believe in the near future, the public
will give a strong response to it.
This will be triggered by some other events."
According to The New York Times, "proponents
of deeper Western-style economic changes are
often allied with those pushing for rule of law
and a more open political system."
"While traditionalists favor greater state
control of both economic and political life."
The article quotes analysts.
"Xi Jinping's cherry picking of approaches from
each of the rival camps could end up miring
his own agenda into intra-party squabbling."
"Xi has acknowledged that the slowing economy
needs new, more market-driven momentum that
can come only from a relaxation of state influence."
