【新唐人2014年03月01日讯】中国媒体这两天连续发表文章，披露“神秘富商”周滨。唯一没有点破的是，周滨是中共过去的权力核心人物----政治局常委周永康之子。大陆业界人士指出，这是一种新的权力斗争方式，在官方还没有定论的情况下，媒体先进行放风。
2月26号，北京《新京报》发出一篇深度报导：《公租房撂荒背后隐现周滨“白手套”》，报导指称，富商周滨依靠强大的官方资源，被怀疑染指北京公租房项目。同一天《搜狐财经》发表文章说，周滨入读“西南石油大学”，那时候他父亲已经高升为“中国石油天然气总公司”高层。
在此之前，《中国经营报》披露四川富豪刘汉用高价收购周滨的项目，用以维持关系，还曝出周滨涉及山西吕梁市落马市长丁雪峰买官案。
《搜狐》《以父之名》这篇文章写道，周滨入读的大学，是他父亲的秘书李华林一手安排的，李华林毕业于“西南石油大学”。周滨也从此进入了一个由校友组成的圈子，他的“学长”们李华林、冉新权、王道富，早围绕着他的父亲组成了一个权力庞大、影响中国石油行业的圈子。
《中国青年报》质询：周滨背后的利益集团如何形成？而网友发问：周滨，爸爸去哪儿了？
原中央党校《学习时报》编审邓聿文认为，这次媒体围剿周滨，不是当局授意，而是媒体在集体逼宫，指向：势力跨越石油界和公检法的中共前政治局常委周永康。
原中央党校《学习时报》编审邓聿文：“大家都知道打虎指向周永康。现在不好拿周永康说事，拿他儿子说事。大陆媒体指向也是很明显的，希望通过舆论的倒逼，来迫使中共把这个案件早日给它了结，早日明朗，早日把所谓的大老虎揪出来。”
但是邓聿文认为，儿子犯罪，不等于父亲犯罪，要坐实周永康的罪证，是一个艰难的较量过程。他认为当局还在挖掘周永康的直接犯罪证据。
邓聿文：“他做到政法委书记，做到常委，他不可能去搞一些直接的犯罪腐败行为。这个太不安全。而且他会利用他做常委的时候，把他以前的犯罪线索消灭掉。但是我相信肯定会找出证据来的。他这个四大秘书，包括其他亲信，肯定有人会扛不住的，扛不住会供出来。问题就是时间的问题。”
“北京外国语大学”新闻学副教授乔木指出，谁都知道周滨的父亲是谁，但是所有的媒体没有提，只是在暗示。当局的放任，显示在处理周永康的事情上，在采取不同以往的一种方式。
北京外国语大学新闻学副教授乔木：“过去像薄熙来这些事，包括陈希同，陈良宇，如果没有《新华社》的通稿，大家是不可能知道这个事，更不可能报导的。只有先有结论，先有中央的决定，要违纪查处，移交司法程序，媒体才能搞定。但是这一次，采取这种报导，我在想是不是政府在利用这个造势，吹吹风，也许这个事件比想像的还要严重。”
乔木分析，现在当局这种处理方式暗示两种可能，一种是仅仅处理他的秘书、儿子和亲家﹔第二种可能，就是先利用媒体对他秘书、儿子先造势，免得到时候公布处理周永康的时候，普通民众感到太突然。
乔木：“你想《财经》，所有中国的平面媒体、主流媒体，报导这个事，从他们的编辑、主编以及上面的新闻出版主管单位，没有他们的许可或者默认、放任，是不可能报导这些事情的。尽管他们报导的时候非常有技术，把这个割裂开，就是讲周滨和其他人的事，不提（周永康）。”
乔木认为，当局在打一个模糊的战略，既不明说，但是意思都点到了，就看大家能不能接受，如果觉得效果还可以，那就可能公开处理周永康，如果觉得反响太大，负面作用太大，可能就不公开。所谓可进可退。
采访编辑/秦雪 后制/李智远
Intensive Mainland Chinese Media Reports on the Fall of Zhou Bin
Recently, Chinese media continues to publish articles
disclosing the "mysterious wealthy businessman", Zhou Bin.
The only thing not revealed about Zhou Bin is that
he is the son of Zhou Yongkang, who was
a central figure of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
Politburo Standing Committee.
Mainland experts indicate that the authorities are using
the media to leak information before making a conclusion,
which is a new method of power struggle.
Beijing News published an in-depth report on Feb. 26 titled,
"Zhou Bin is Behind the Abandonment of Public Housing".
The report says Zhou Bin is suspected of being involved
in a public rental project in Beijing, relying on official power.
On the same day, Sohu Business also published an article
mentioning the promotion of Zhou Bin's father to a high level
managerial position at China National Petroleum Corporation
while Zhou was studying at Southwest Petroleum University.
China Business earlier revealed that Sichuan regal Liu Han
bought a project from Zhou Bin at a high price
to maintain their relationship.
Zhou Bin is also involved in an official corruption case
involving Mayor Ding Xuefeng of Luliang City
in Shanxi Province, who purchased his official position,
the report says.
Sohu's report "Name of the Father" says the university
Zhou attended was arranged by his father's secretary,
Li Hualin, who also graduated from
Southwest Petroleum University.
Zhou Bin then came into a circle of oil industry alumni
that included Li Linhua, Ran Xinquan, and Wang Fudao.
The oil industry circle centered around Zhou's father
had grown powerful and influential on a large scale in China.
China Youth Daily questions how the interest group
behind Zhou Bin formed.
Chinese netizens ask,"Zhou Bin, where is your dad?"
Deng Yuwen, former copy editor of the Study Times,
a CCP party school newspaper, indicates media reports
on Zhou Bin were not ordered by the authorities.
He believes the media collectively emphasized catching
Zhou Yongkang, former CCP Politburo Standing Committee
member, who held power throughout the oil industry
and public security.
Deng Yuwen, former Study Times copy editor: "People
all know that 'fighting tigers' points to Zhou Yongkang,
but it's not easy to talk about Zhou Yongkang now,
thus the media talks about his son.
Mainland media's intention is also very clear,
hoping to use public opinion to turn on Zhou Yongkang,
forcing the CCP to finish this case
and capture the 'big tiger'.”
Deng Yuwen believes that the son having committing crimes
doesn't necessarily mean the father committed crimes.
It's a complicated process to find solid evidence
of Zhou Yongkang's crimes.
He thinks the authorities are still investigating
evidence of Zhou Yongkang's direct crimes.
Deng Yuwen: "He (Zhou Yongkang) was the secretary
of the Political and Legal Affairs Committee and a member
of the Politburo Standing Committee.
He wasn't likely to commit crimes and corruption directly.
It wouldn't have been safe.
He could also have destroyed all evidence
using his power at that time.
But I believe there must be evidence.
He had four major secretaries and some trusted aides.
One of them will confess.
It's just a matter of time."
Qiao Mu, associate professor of Journalism
at Beijing Foreign Studies University points out
that everyone knows who Zhou Bin's father is,
but no media outlets have pointed it out.
They just drop hints.
The authorities allow the media to do so,
which suggests that the authorities are using a different
tactic to deal with the Zhou Yongkang issue.
Qiao Mu, associated professor of Journalism at Beijing
Foreign Studies University: "In the past, with cases like
Bo Xilai, Chen Xitong, and Chen Liangyu, people weren't
made aware of it until Xinhua news agency's reports,
and it's impossible for other media to report on it.
But this time, I think the government may use the media
to create an atmosphere and leak some information.
This case may be more serious than people think."
Qiao Mu indicates that there are two possible ways
the authorities attempt to handle Zhou's case.
One is to just punish his (Zhou Yongkang's) secretaries,
his son, and his daughter-in-law's family.
The other one is to create an environment
by singling out his secretaries and son, so that people
won't feel Zhou Yongkang's punishment came
out of the blue.
Qiao Mu: "Think about it.
All of China's print media and mainstream media reported it.
Without permission from chief editors and the head unit
of Press and Publication, it's impossible for them to report
on it, although their reports are very skillful— reporting
Zhou Bin but not mentioning Zhou Yongkang."
Qiao Mu believes that authorities are using a purposely
ambiguous strategy, one which doesn't clearly implicate
Zhou, but signifies he's the intended target.
It depends on whether people accept it or not.
If the effect of the reports is good,
Zhou Yongkang is likely to be openly punished.
If there is a negative effect, it may not be made public.
Either way is possible.
Interview & Edit/Qin Xue Post-Production/Li Zhiyuan
2月26号，北京《新京报》发出一篇深度报导：《公租房撂荒背后隐现周滨“白手套”》，报导指称，富商周滨依靠强大的官方资源，被怀疑染指北京公租房项目。同一天《搜狐财经》发表文章说，周滨入读“西南石油大学”，那时候他父亲已经高升为“中国石油天然气总公司”高层。
在此之前，《中国经营报》披露四川富豪刘汉用高价收购周滨的项目，用以维持关系，还曝出周滨涉及山西吕梁市落马市长丁雪峰买官案。
《搜狐》《以父之名》这篇文章写道，周滨入读的大学，是他父亲的秘书李华林一手安排的，李华林毕业于“西南石油大学”。周滨也从此进入了一个由校友组成的圈子，他的“学长”们李华林、冉新权、王道富，早围绕着他的父亲组成了一个权力庞大、影响中国石油行业的圈子。
《中国青年报》质询：周滨背后的利益集团如何形成？而网友发问：周滨，爸爸去哪儿了？
原中央党校《学习时报》编审邓聿文认为，这次媒体围剿周滨，不是当局授意，而是媒体在集体逼宫，指向：势力跨越石油界和公检法的中共前政治局常委周永康。
原中央党校《学习时报》编审邓聿文：“大家都知道打虎指向周永康。现在不好拿周永康说事，拿他儿子说事。大陆媒体指向也是很明显的，希望通过舆论的倒逼，来迫使中共把这个案件早日给它了结，早日明朗，早日把所谓的大老虎揪出来。”
但是邓聿文认为，儿子犯罪，不等于父亲犯罪，要坐实周永康的罪证，是一个艰难的较量过程。他认为当局还在挖掘周永康的直接犯罪证据。
邓聿文：“他做到政法委书记，做到常委，他不可能去搞一些直接的犯罪腐败行为。这个太不安全。而且他会利用他做常委的时候，把他以前的犯罪线索消灭掉。但是我相信肯定会找出证据来的。他这个四大秘书，包括其他亲信，肯定有人会扛不住的，扛不住会供出来。问题就是时间的问题。”
“北京外国语大学”新闻学副教授乔木指出，谁都知道周滨的父亲是谁，但是所有的媒体没有提，只是在暗示。当局的放任，显示在处理周永康的事情上，在采取不同以往的一种方式。
北京外国语大学新闻学副教授乔木：“过去像薄熙来这些事，包括陈希同，陈良宇，如果没有《新华社》的通稿，大家是不可能知道这个事，更不可能报导的。只有先有结论，先有中央的决定，要违纪查处，移交司法程序，媒体才能搞定。但是这一次，采取这种报导，我在想是不是政府在利用这个造势，吹吹风，也许这个事件比想像的还要严重。”
乔木分析，现在当局这种处理方式暗示两种可能，一种是仅仅处理他的秘书、儿子和亲家﹔第二种可能，就是先利用媒体对他秘书、儿子先造势，免得到时候公布处理周永康的时候，普通民众感到太突然。
乔木：“你想《财经》，所有中国的平面媒体、主流媒体，报导这个事，从他们的编辑、主编以及上面的新闻出版主管单位，没有他们的许可或者默认、放任，是不可能报导这些事情的。尽管他们报导的时候非常有技术，把这个割裂开，就是讲周滨和其他人的事，不提（周永康）。”
乔木认为，当局在打一个模糊的战略，既不明说，但是意思都点到了，就看大家能不能接受，如果觉得效果还可以，那就可能公开处理周永康，如果觉得反响太大，负面作用太大，可能就不公开。所谓可进可退。
采访编辑/秦雪 后制/李智远
Intensive Mainland Chinese Media Reports on the Fall of Zhou Bin
Recently, Chinese media continues to publish articles
disclosing the "mysterious wealthy businessman", Zhou Bin.
The only thing not revealed about Zhou Bin is that
he is the son of Zhou Yongkang, who was
a central figure of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
Politburo Standing Committee.
Mainland experts indicate that the authorities are using
the media to leak information before making a conclusion,
which is a new method of power struggle.
Beijing News published an in-depth report on Feb. 26 titled,
"Zhou Bin is Behind the Abandonment of Public Housing".
The report says Zhou Bin is suspected of being involved
in a public rental project in Beijing, relying on official power.
On the same day, Sohu Business also published an article
mentioning the promotion of Zhou Bin's father to a high level
managerial position at China National Petroleum Corporation
while Zhou was studying at Southwest Petroleum University.
China Business earlier revealed that Sichuan regal Liu Han
bought a project from Zhou Bin at a high price
to maintain their relationship.
Zhou Bin is also involved in an official corruption case
involving Mayor Ding Xuefeng of Luliang City
in Shanxi Province, who purchased his official position,
the report says.
Sohu's report "Name of the Father" says the university
Zhou attended was arranged by his father's secretary,
Li Hualin, who also graduated from
Southwest Petroleum University.
Zhou Bin then came into a circle of oil industry alumni
that included Li Linhua, Ran Xinquan, and Wang Fudao.
The oil industry circle centered around Zhou's father
had grown powerful and influential on a large scale in China.
China Youth Daily questions how the interest group
behind Zhou Bin formed.
Chinese netizens ask,"Zhou Bin, where is your dad?"
Deng Yuwen, former copy editor of the Study Times,
a CCP party school newspaper, indicates media reports
on Zhou Bin were not ordered by the authorities.
He believes the media collectively emphasized catching
Zhou Yongkang, former CCP Politburo Standing Committee
member, who held power throughout the oil industry
and public security.
Deng Yuwen, former Study Times copy editor: "People
all know that 'fighting tigers' points to Zhou Yongkang,
but it's not easy to talk about Zhou Yongkang now,
thus the media talks about his son.
Mainland media's intention is also very clear,
hoping to use public opinion to turn on Zhou Yongkang,
forcing the CCP to finish this case
and capture the 'big tiger'.”
Deng Yuwen believes that the son having committing crimes
doesn't necessarily mean the father committed crimes.
It's a complicated process to find solid evidence
of Zhou Yongkang's crimes.
He thinks the authorities are still investigating
evidence of Zhou Yongkang's direct crimes.
Deng Yuwen: "He (Zhou Yongkang) was the secretary
of the Political and Legal Affairs Committee and a member
of the Politburo Standing Committee.
He wasn't likely to commit crimes and corruption directly.
It wouldn't have been safe.
He could also have destroyed all evidence
using his power at that time.
But I believe there must be evidence.
He had four major secretaries and some trusted aides.
One of them will confess.
It's just a matter of time."
Qiao Mu, associate professor of Journalism
at Beijing Foreign Studies University points out
that everyone knows who Zhou Bin's father is,
but no media outlets have pointed it out.
They just drop hints.
The authorities allow the media to do so,
which suggests that the authorities are using a different
tactic to deal with the Zhou Yongkang issue.
Qiao Mu, associated professor of Journalism at Beijing
Foreign Studies University: "In the past, with cases like
Bo Xilai, Chen Xitong, and Chen Liangyu, people weren't
made aware of it until Xinhua news agency's reports,
and it's impossible for other media to report on it.
But this time, I think the government may use the media
to create an atmosphere and leak some information.
This case may be more serious than people think."
Qiao Mu indicates that there are two possible ways
the authorities attempt to handle Zhou's case.
One is to just punish his (Zhou Yongkang's) secretaries,
his son, and his daughter-in-law's family.
The other one is to create an environment
by singling out his secretaries and son, so that people
won't feel Zhou Yongkang's punishment came
out of the blue.
Qiao Mu: "Think about it.
All of China's print media and mainstream media reported it.
Without permission from chief editors and the head unit
of Press and Publication, it's impossible for them to report
on it, although their reports are very skillful— reporting
Zhou Bin but not mentioning Zhou Yongkang."
Qiao Mu believes that authorities are using a purposely
ambiguous strategy, one which doesn't clearly implicate
Zhou, but signifies he's the intended target.
It depends on whether people accept it or not.
If the effect of the reports is good,
Zhou Yongkang is likely to be openly punished.
If there is a negative effect, it may not be made public.
Either way is possible.
Interview & Edit/Qin Xue Post-Production/Li Zhiyuan
