【新唐人2014年09月09日讯】香港最大的学生组织“学联”，星期天正式宣布，从9月22号开始，罢课一周，以抗议中共人大有关香港的政改方案，并将根据罢课后北京和港府反应，未来会升级抗争行动。面对“罢课”和“占中”这些体现港人强烈民意的活动，中共有可能退让吗？“公民抗命”怎样才能撼动“铁腕政治”？请看报导。
港媒8号引述“香港大学”学生会会长梁丽帼的话说，已经有大约20家大专院校表明，会参加罢课活动。发起罢课的香港“学联”要求港府在罢课期间，回应学生4点要求，包括确立公民提名，承诺2016年立法会全面直选﹔特首和政改三人组辞职，人大常委向港人道歉等。
“学联”秘书长周永康：“简单的说，整个概念就是，要由院校走出社区。所以第一天在中大会有一个大集会，在百万大道那边。另外，不同的学生会也认为，其实要先在院校里面有一大集会，然后再走出院校，所以罢委会的决议是这样子。”
“学联”秘书长周永康介绍，之后几天，“学联”会根据形势判断，甚么时候走出社区，到公众地方，例如公民广场，或是添马公园，举行大集会。到那时就不止是学生的行动，而是整个香港人的行动。
周永康：“那它的社会意义在于，罢课是这么多间大专院校的年轻人发起来，新生代也不满意现在人大的决议。所以他要用罢课的形式，告诉社会上不能再冷漠。那第二个重要的要点是，它清晰的给政府一个警告，如果那些诉求，譬如，公民提名立法会议改组，不会纳入第二阶段，而成为改革方向的话，那整个运动必然会升级，那时候必然会有更多的不合作运动，和公民抗命。”
另一方面，亲政府的“保普选反占中”大联盟也在8号召开记者会，宣布设立“报料热线”，要市民对于在院校里策划“罢课”或“占中”的人，提供资料。大联盟声称，这样的“反罢课”活动，是为了避免学生被人利用，成为政治牺牲品。
对此周永康则回应，社会里面有不同的声音是完全正常的，但希望不要抹黑，中伤罢课活动。
周永康：“其实重点是，他们反罢课的时候，不要抹黑学生是给人操控，是没有独立性，而是沦为政治的工具，或是政治筹码。你可以说，你觉得学生的责任是学习，那我们就会回答你，其实你在广场上面，会学的比院校里面更多。而你单纯在院校里面学习，你不足以改革这个社会。如果本身大学希望的是，培养学生成为一个回馈社会的人的话。”
“罢课”即将启动，“占中”似乎也势在必行。面对这些体现港人强烈民意的活动，当局有可能做出退让吗？
时事评论员文昭：“中共不可能退让的。本身香港需要的是一个持续性的，和一个更加广泛的不服从运动。单纯寄希望于一次游行示威，段时间内能取得一个回应，这也确实不太现实。因为五十万港人上街，七十多万人签名，而中共仍然它是没有做丝毫的退让。”
“罢课”如同香港学生凝聚起来的一只年轻的手臂，面对人大就特首候选人落下的“三道大关”，这支年轻的臂膀如何才能撼动这些关卡？
文昭：“本身这个学生运动，应该是一个面向民众的。就是说，现在香港所需要做的，是一个更加深入和广泛的民族启蒙。只有更多的民众认识到民主权力对自己的重要，被动员起来，那么这种‘公民不服从’运动它才有实际的力量，它才能瘫痪政府去管制基层社会的许多能力，这政府干不下去了，它才会觉得有压力，去改变。”
尽管面临的结果，很大可能还是当局“一意孤行”，但这支年轻的臂膀并不是孤立无援。中学生组织“学民思潮”也举行了多场“公民课堂”，并筹备在两个月内发动中学生罢课。而《法新社》报导，7号抵达北京，进行3天访问的美国国家安全顾问莱斯（Susan Rice），也可能重申美国对香港民主的支持。另外，英国议会外交委员会，不仅将继续针对香港的现状进行调查，还把北京及港府的三封施压信件在官方网站公布，引发关注。
采访编辑/尚燕 后制/舒灿
Hong Kong Students Demand an Apology from Beijing
Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) announced
a one-week strike will officially take place on Sept. 22.
It is in protest of the political reform in Hong Kong issued
by the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC).
The next move after the protest, is contingent upon the response
from Beijing and HK Government.
Will the Communist regime back off as they face the strong
voices of strike and Occupy Central?
How will civil disobedience shake the iron-handed politics?
Let's see the coverage.
According to University of Hong Kong's Students' Union
(HKUSU) president Yvonne Leung, participants will include
20 colleges and universities.
Strike organizer HKFS pursues four requests:
to establish civil nomination; to promise universal suffrage
of Legislative Council in 2016;
resignation of chief executive and political reform trio;
and NPCSC's apology to the people of Hong Kong.
HKFS chairperson Alex Chow: "Simply put, the whole concept
is to get out of campus and to get into the community.
There'll be a general assembly for the first day at the Chinese
University of Hong Kong.
This is the consensus from other institutions too, forming
a general assembly on campus before going into society.
That's the decision of the strike committee."
Alex Zhou concludes, HKFS will determine, according to
the situation, when to get out into the community in places
such as the civic plaza or Tamar Park, for a large rally.
It will then become an activity of the entirety Hong Kong,
not just the students.
Alex Zhou: "The social significance of the student organized
strike, is that the new generation is not satisfied
with the resolution of the NPCSC.
The strike is telling society that it can no longer be ignored.
It is also a clear warning to the Government.
We demand civil nomination to reform the Council.
If it fails, the entire movement is bound to engage in more
non-cooperative movements and civil disobedience."
In a Sept. 8 press conference by Alliance for Peace and
Democracy (APD), the pro-government anti-Occupy
Central organization,
created a "report hotline" established to encourage
the public to report on organizers of the strike
and Occupy Central.
The APD claimed the anti-strike was meant to prevent students
from being victimized and taken advantage of.
Alex Zhou responded, different voices in the community are
completely normal, but the strike activities should not be
discredited or slandered.
Alex Zhou: "In fact, the point is not to discredit the students
by saying the strike was the outcome of manipulation,
lack of independence, and a political tool or bargaining chip.
It is ok to say, the students' duty is to learn, we'll tell you that
we actually learn more in the community than on campus.
By simply learning on campus, is not sufficient to reform
the society, if the higher education is to nourish the students
so that they will feed back to the community."
The strike is about to start, and the Occupy Central
also seems imperative.
Will the regime give in faced with these activities reflecting
the strong opinion of Hong Kong people?
Commentator Wen Zhao: "There is no way for the CCP to give
in. Hong Kong needs a disobedience campaign that is persistent
and more extensive.
It is not realistic to expect one demonstration will receive
any response in a short time.
The CCP did not yield a bit after 500,000 people took the street
and 700,000 signed the petition."
The strike is like an arm of the youth gathered by the
Hong Kong students.
How will this arm shake the hurdles set up by the NPCSC
regarding the chief executive candidates?
Wen Zhao: "The student movement itself should be facing people.
What Hong Kong needs is the entire enlightenment of the nation.
Only when people recognize the importance of their democratic
rights will they then get mobilized.
Then the civil disobedience campaign will gain its actual power
to paralyze the government, which will lose its control
at the grassroots of society. Then there's pressure
for the government to change."
Although the regime could solely insist on its decision,
the students are not alone.
Scholarism formed by the secondary school students, have
organized multiple citizen classes and prepared a high schoolers'
strike in two months.
The Agence France-Presse reported the US National Security
Adviser Susan Rice arrives in Beijing on Sept. 7.
She is expected to restate Washington's support for democracy
in Hong Kong.
In addition, the British Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee
continue to investigate the current situation in Hong Kong,
as well as publicize the three letters from Beijing
opposing the British investigation.
Interview & Edit/ShangYan Post-Production/ShuCan
港媒8号引述“香港大学”学生会会长梁丽帼的话说，已经有大约20家大专院校表明，会参加罢课活动。发起罢课的香港“学联”要求港府在罢课期间，回应学生4点要求，包括确立公民提名，承诺2016年立法会全面直选﹔特首和政改三人组辞职，人大常委向港人道歉等。
“学联”秘书长周永康：“简单的说，整个概念就是，要由院校走出社区。所以第一天在中大会有一个大集会，在百万大道那边。另外，不同的学生会也认为，其实要先在院校里面有一大集会，然后再走出院校，所以罢委会的决议是这样子。”
“学联”秘书长周永康介绍，之后几天，“学联”会根据形势判断，甚么时候走出社区，到公众地方，例如公民广场，或是添马公园，举行大集会。到那时就不止是学生的行动，而是整个香港人的行动。
周永康：“那它的社会意义在于，罢课是这么多间大专院校的年轻人发起来，新生代也不满意现在人大的决议。所以他要用罢课的形式，告诉社会上不能再冷漠。那第二个重要的要点是，它清晰的给政府一个警告，如果那些诉求，譬如，公民提名立法会议改组，不会纳入第二阶段，而成为改革方向的话，那整个运动必然会升级，那时候必然会有更多的不合作运动，和公民抗命。”
另一方面，亲政府的“保普选反占中”大联盟也在8号召开记者会，宣布设立“报料热线”，要市民对于在院校里策划“罢课”或“占中”的人，提供资料。大联盟声称，这样的“反罢课”活动，是为了避免学生被人利用，成为政治牺牲品。
对此周永康则回应，社会里面有不同的声音是完全正常的，但希望不要抹黑，中伤罢课活动。
周永康：“其实重点是，他们反罢课的时候，不要抹黑学生是给人操控，是没有独立性，而是沦为政治的工具，或是政治筹码。你可以说，你觉得学生的责任是学习，那我们就会回答你，其实你在广场上面，会学的比院校里面更多。而你单纯在院校里面学习，你不足以改革这个社会。如果本身大学希望的是，培养学生成为一个回馈社会的人的话。”
“罢课”即将启动，“占中”似乎也势在必行。面对这些体现港人强烈民意的活动，当局有可能做出退让吗？
时事评论员文昭：“中共不可能退让的。本身香港需要的是一个持续性的，和一个更加广泛的不服从运动。单纯寄希望于一次游行示威，段时间内能取得一个回应，这也确实不太现实。因为五十万港人上街，七十多万人签名，而中共仍然它是没有做丝毫的退让。”
“罢课”如同香港学生凝聚起来的一只年轻的手臂，面对人大就特首候选人落下的“三道大关”，这支年轻的臂膀如何才能撼动这些关卡？
文昭：“本身这个学生运动，应该是一个面向民众的。就是说，现在香港所需要做的，是一个更加深入和广泛的民族启蒙。只有更多的民众认识到民主权力对自己的重要，被动员起来，那么这种‘公民不服从’运动它才有实际的力量，它才能瘫痪政府去管制基层社会的许多能力，这政府干不下去了，它才会觉得有压力，去改变。”
尽管面临的结果，很大可能还是当局“一意孤行”，但这支年轻的臂膀并不是孤立无援。中学生组织“学民思潮”也举行了多场“公民课堂”，并筹备在两个月内发动中学生罢课。而《法新社》报导，7号抵达北京，进行3天访问的美国国家安全顾问莱斯（Susan Rice），也可能重申美国对香港民主的支持。另外，英国议会外交委员会，不仅将继续针对香港的现状进行调查，还把北京及港府的三封施压信件在官方网站公布，引发关注。
采访编辑/尚燕 后制/舒灿
Hong Kong Students Demand an Apology from Beijing
Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) announced
a one-week strike will officially take place on Sept. 22.
It is in protest of the political reform in Hong Kong issued
by the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC).
The next move after the protest, is contingent upon the response
from Beijing and HK Government.
Will the Communist regime back off as they face the strong
voices of strike and Occupy Central?
How will civil disobedience shake the iron-handed politics?
Let's see the coverage.
According to University of Hong Kong's Students' Union
(HKUSU) president Yvonne Leung, participants will include
20 colleges and universities.
Strike organizer HKFS pursues four requests:
to establish civil nomination; to promise universal suffrage
of Legislative Council in 2016;
resignation of chief executive and political reform trio;
and NPCSC's apology to the people of Hong Kong.
HKFS chairperson Alex Chow: "Simply put, the whole concept
is to get out of campus and to get into the community.
There'll be a general assembly for the first day at the Chinese
University of Hong Kong.
This is the consensus from other institutions too, forming
a general assembly on campus before going into society.
That's the decision of the strike committee."
Alex Zhou concludes, HKFS will determine, according to
the situation, when to get out into the community in places
such as the civic plaza or Tamar Park, for a large rally.
It will then become an activity of the entirety Hong Kong,
not just the students.
Alex Zhou: "The social significance of the student organized
strike, is that the new generation is not satisfied
with the resolution of the NPCSC.
The strike is telling society that it can no longer be ignored.
It is also a clear warning to the Government.
We demand civil nomination to reform the Council.
If it fails, the entire movement is bound to engage in more
non-cooperative movements and civil disobedience."
In a Sept. 8 press conference by Alliance for Peace and
Democracy (APD), the pro-government anti-Occupy
Central organization,
created a "report hotline" established to encourage
the public to report on organizers of the strike
and Occupy Central.
The APD claimed the anti-strike was meant to prevent students
from being victimized and taken advantage of.
Alex Zhou responded, different voices in the community are
completely normal, but the strike activities should not be
discredited or slandered.
Alex Zhou: "In fact, the point is not to discredit the students
by saying the strike was the outcome of manipulation,
lack of independence, and a political tool or bargaining chip.
It is ok to say, the students' duty is to learn, we'll tell you that
we actually learn more in the community than on campus.
By simply learning on campus, is not sufficient to reform
the society, if the higher education is to nourish the students
so that they will feed back to the community."
The strike is about to start, and the Occupy Central
also seems imperative.
Will the regime give in faced with these activities reflecting
the strong opinion of Hong Kong people?
Commentator Wen Zhao: "There is no way for the CCP to give
in. Hong Kong needs a disobedience campaign that is persistent
and more extensive.
It is not realistic to expect one demonstration will receive
any response in a short time.
The CCP did not yield a bit after 500,000 people took the street
and 700,000 signed the petition."
The strike is like an arm of the youth gathered by the
Hong Kong students.
How will this arm shake the hurdles set up by the NPCSC
regarding the chief executive candidates?
Wen Zhao: "The student movement itself should be facing people.
What Hong Kong needs is the entire enlightenment of the nation.
Only when people recognize the importance of their democratic
rights will they then get mobilized.
Then the civil disobedience campaign will gain its actual power
to paralyze the government, which will lose its control
at the grassroots of society. Then there's pressure
for the government to change."
Although the regime could solely insist on its decision,
the students are not alone.
Scholarism formed by the secondary school students, have
organized multiple citizen classes and prepared a high schoolers'
strike in two months.
The Agence France-Presse reported the US National Security
Adviser Susan Rice arrives in Beijing on Sept. 7.
She is expected to restate Washington's support for democracy
in Hong Kong.
In addition, the British Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee
continue to investigate the current situation in Hong Kong,
as well as publicize the three letters from Beijing
opposing the British investigation.
Interview & Edit/ShangYan Post-Production/ShuCan
