【新唐人北京时间2019年09月18日讯】美国国会及行政当局中国委员会星期二（9月17日）上午在华盛顿国会山，就香港动荡的局势及美国政策回应等问题举行了听证会。获得美国两党参众议员支持的《香港人权与民主法案》是听证会讨论的焦点。香港Demosisto党的秘书长、“雨伞运动”的领导人黄之锋（Joshua Wong）和香港民主活动家及粤语歌手何韵诗（Denise Ho））出席了这次会议，并在会议上就香港的民主运动作证。以下为黄之锋在这次听证会上发言的中英文全文。
黄之锋听证会发言中文版
麦克高文主席，鲁比奥联席主席，各位委员会成员早晨好！
能够被邀请来国会大厦谈论香港的发展，我感到很荣幸！各位可能还记得我上次在两年多前去过华盛顿，并在2017年5月3日在同一栋大楼，同一委员会作证。
当时，我警告我的朋友罗冠聪（Nathan Law）可能被取消立法会议员资格，他是亚洲最年轻的民主选举立法会议员，他今天也在观众席上。
我还警告过大规模的政治迫害。不幸的是，两者都实现了：罗冠聪在7月份失去了席位，我们因为我们参与雨伞运动而于8月被判监。与2014年抗议活动有关的进一步法律纠纷使我无法出国旅行。
我当时曾说香港的“一国两制”正在变成“一国一点五制”，但我认为，近期发生的事件令观察家感到今天我们正接近危险的迈向“一国一制”。
目前的情况表明，北京完全无法理解，更不用说治理自由社会了。
这场抗争于6月9日开始，当时有100万香港人走上街头，抗议政府建议修订逃犯条例，允许疑犯从香港引渡到中国，而中国则无法治保障。不过，在当晚深夜，行政长官林郑月娥宣布该法案的二读将在三天内恢复。所以香港人也要为6月12日的背水一战做准备。
然后发生了不可思议的事情：知道北京在立法会控制了足够的票数，抗争者在清早包围了立法会所在的政府总部，成功的阻止了立法会议员开会。那时我正在第三次服刑。有一刻，我奇怪为甚么新闻频道重播了雨伞运动的镜头，但是不久我才意识到香港人返出来了。
林郑于6月15日暂缓了该法案，但没有完全撤回该法案。第二天， 200万人历史性的涌上街头，相当于我们整个人口的四分之一。我不知道，香港人这种不满程度，在现代历史上有那一刻能比得上。
我在三个月前，也就是6月17日出狱，跟着，我和其他香港人一起以最有创意的方式抗争。除了要求撤回法案，我们要求林郑撤回我们作为“暴徒”的定性，放弃所有政治检控，并对警察暴行进行独立调查。我们中的一些人在6月下旬的20国集团峰会之前众筹报纸广告资金，呼吁世界不要忘记香港。其他人于7月1日闯入并占领了立法会大楼，同一天又有55万香港人和平抗议。
每个周末人群继续大量出现，几乎每天都有较小的集会在各区举行。但是政府不会听；它没有化解政治危机，而是大大增强了警察的权力。运动在7月21日达到了转捩点。那天晚上，涉嫌与有组织犯罪有联系的暴徒聚集在元朗火车站，无差别的袭击了现场记者，回家的抗议者，甚至是路人。尽管多次发出紧急呼吁，警方仍然拒绝出现，使香港陷入无政府状态和暴徒暴力之中。
仅在8月5日，香港人参加大罢工的那天，警方就发射了800枚催泪弹驱散人群。相比之下，五年前在整个雨伞运动中只发射了87枚，今天警察的过度武力显而易见。他们越来越肆意的使用胡椒喷雾，胡椒球，橡胶子弹，海绵弹，布袋弹和水炮 –同样令人不安的是，这些武器，几乎全部都是从西方民主国家进口的。有鉴于此，我赞赏麦克高文主席上周在众议院介绍了“保护香港法案”。美国公司不能从热爱自由的香港人的暴力镇压中获利。
鲁比奥联席主席最近也写道，根据美国法律，“香港的特殊地位”，“取决于城市被视为一个单独的关税区，开放的国际金融联系，以及港元与美元的挂钩。”北京不应该鱼与熊掌两者兼得，在消除我们的社会政治身份的同时，收获经由香港在环球经济地位而得来的利益。这是《香港人权与民主法》得到香港公民社会广泛支持的最重要原因，我希望每位国会议员都能注意到这一点。
林郑终于在本月早些时候撤回了这项法案，但正如抗争者早已不再要求她辞职一样，这一决定现在几乎毫无意义。这场运动远未结束，因为它已经超过一个法案或一个人。我们的第五个也是最重要的要求是香港真正的结构性变革。我们政府缺乏代表性是问题的核心。
在我发言时，香港正处于关键时刻。各种风险愈来愈高。当局几乎停止发放“不反对通知书”，因此几乎每次示威都是“非法集会”。此外，我们面临的是中国在深圳边境的庞大军事集结。习近平主席不太可能在即将到来的十月国庆日之前采取大胆行动，但没人能确定接下来会发生甚么。派坦克进城仍是不理性的选择，尽管并非不可能。中国对澳门，台湾，西藏，特别是新疆的干涉，提醒人们北京准备在追求宏大的帝国计划方面走得更远。
我曾经是香港年轻人运动的代言人。然而，在目前的无大台运动中，与我们中间因抗议而被解雇，受伤甚至害怕去医院，或被迫自杀的人相比，我的牺牲很少。两个人已失去了一只眼睛。到目前为止，被捕的1400人中最年轻的是只有12岁的男生。我不认识他们，但他们的痛苦是我的痛苦。我们属于同一个想像的社区，为自己的自决权而奋斗，因此我们可以建立一个更加光明，共同的未来。
今天出生的婴儿在2047年7月1日甚至还未庆祝他的28岁生日，到时香港的“50年不变”政策即将到期。那个限期比它的表面更接近我们，没有回头路。数十年后，当历史学家回顾过去时，我确信2019年比2014年更加明显，这将成为一个分水岭。我也希望历史学家能够庆祝美国国会站在人权和民主方面的香港人一边。
黄之峰听证会发言英文版全文
It’s an honor to be invited back to Capitol Hill to speak about developments in Hong Kong. You may recall that I last traveled to Washington more than two years ago and testified before this commission, in this same building, on May 3, 2017.
At the time, I warned about the probable disqualification of my friend Nathan Law, who had been Asia’s youngest democratically-elected legislator and who is in the audience this morning.
I also warned about massive political prosecution. Unfortunately, both materialized: Nathan lost his seat that July, and we were both imprisoned in August for our roles in the Umbrella Movement. Further legal troublers in relation to the 2014 protests prevented me from traveling abroad.
While I said then that Hong Kong’s “One Country, Two Systems” was becoming “One Country, One-and-a-Half Systems,” I don’t think there is any doubt among observers who have followed recent events that, today, we are approaching dangerously close to “One Country, One System.”
The present state of affairs reveals Beijing’s utter inability to understand, let alone govern, a free society.
The ongoing demonstrations began on June 9 when one million Hong Kongers took to the streets in protest of proposed legislation that would’ve allowed criminal suspects to be extradited from Hong Kong to China, where there are no guarantees of the rule of law. Still, before the night had even ended, Chief Executive Carrie Lam announced the bill’s reading would resume in three days. Hong Kongers were bracing for their last fight on June 12.
And then the unthinkable happened: Knowing that Beijing controlled enough votes in the Legislative Council, protesters surrounded the complex early in the morning, successfully preventing lawmakers from convening. I was then serving my third jail sentence. For a moment, I wondered why the news channel was replaying footage of the Umbrella Movement, though it was not long before I realized Hong Kongers were back.
Lam suspended the bill on June 15, but fell short of fully withdrawing it. A historic two million people demonstrated the following day, equivalent to one in four out of our entire population. I’m not aware of anything comparable to this level of discontent against a government in modern history.
I was released exactly three months ago, on June 17, and have since joined fellow Hong Kongers to protest in the most creative ways possible. In addition to the bill’s withdrawal, we demanded Lam to retract the characterization of us as “rioters,” drop all political charges, and establish an independent investigation into police brutality. Some of us crowdfunded for newspaper advertisements ahead of the G-20 summit in late June calling for the world not to neglect Hong Kong. Others broke into and occupied the Legislative Council complex on July 1, the same day another 550,000 Hong Kongers protested peacefully.
Crowds continued to show up in large numbers every weekend, with smaller rallies taking place almost daily across the territory. But the government would not listen; instead of defusing the political crisis, it dramatically empowered the police. The movement reached a turning point on July 21. That night, thugs with suspected ties to organized crime gathered in the Yuen Long train station and indiscriminately attacked not just protesters returning home, reporters on the scene, but even passersby. The police refused to show up despite repeated emergency calls, plunging Hong Kong into a state of anarchy and mob violence.
On August 5 alone, the day Hong Kongers participated in a general strike, the police shot 800 canisters of tear gas to disperse the masses. Compare that to only 87 fired in the entire Umbrella Movement five years ago, and the police’s excessive force today is clear. Their increasingly liberal use of pepper spray, pepper balls, rubber bullets, sponge bullets, bean bag rounds, and water cannons — almost all of which are imported from Western democracies — are no less troubling. In light of this, I applaud Chairman McGovern for introducing the PROTECT Hong Kong Act last week in the House of Representatives. American companies mustn’t profit from the violent crackdown of freedom-loving Hong Kongers.
Co-Chairman Rubio is also right for recently writing that “Hong Kong’s special status,” under American law, “depends on the city being treated as a separate customs area, on open international financial connections, and on the Hong Kong dollar’s peg to the U.S. dollar.” Beijing shouldn’t have it both ways, reaping all the economic benefits of Hong Kong’s standing in the world while eradicating our sociopolitical identity. This is the most important reason why the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act enjoys the broad support of Hong Kong’s civil society, a point which I want every member of Congress to take note.
Lam finally withdrew the bill earlier this month, but just as protesters have long stopped calling for her resignation, this decision was almost meaningless by now. The movement is far from over, because it has long moved beyond one bill or one person. Our fifth and most important demand is genuine structural change in Hong Kong. Our government’s lack of representation lies at the heart of the matter.
As I speak, Hong Kong is standing at a critical juncture. The stakes have never been higher. Authorities have all but stopped issuing permits known as “letters of no objection,” so virtually every demonstration is an “illegal assembly.” Moreover, we are confronted by the huge Chinese military buildup just across the border in Shenzhen. President Xi Jinping is unlikely to take bold action before the upcoming 70th National Day in October, but no one can be sure what’s next. Sending in the tanks remains irrational, though not impossible. Chinese interference in Macau, Taiwan, Tibet, and especially Xinjiang, serves as a reminder that Beijing is prepared to go far in pursuit of its grand imperial project.
I was once the face of Hong Kong’s youth activism. In the present leaderless movement, however, my sacrifices are minimal, compared to those among us who have been laid off for protesting, who have been injured but too afraid of even going to a hospital, or who have been forced to take their own lives. Two have each lost an eye. The youngest of the 1,400 arrested so far is only 12-year-old schoolboy. I don’t know them, yet their pain is my pain. We belong to the same imagined community, struggling for our right of self-determination so we can build one brighter, common future.
A baby born today will not even have celebrated his 28th birthday by July 1, 2047, when Hong Kong’s policy of “50-year no change” is set to expire. That deadline is closer to us than it appears; there’s no return. Decades from now, when historians look back, I’m sure that 2019, much more so than 2014, will turn out to have been a watershed. I hope, too, that historians will celebrate the United States Congress for having stood on the side of Hong Kongers, the side of human rights and democracy.
(责任编辑：竺颖）
