【新唐人2013年09月12日讯】9月10号，中共国务院总理李克强在大连出席2013夏季达沃斯论坛的企业家代表时誓言：要用壮士断腕的决心继续推进经济体制改革。分析认为，中共已经身患绝症，癌细胞扩散全身，李克强即使“断腕”，也无法治本。
李克强说，经济改革既蕴藏着巨大红利，也是触动利益的事情，因此也是挑战。但是，中共当局将用“壮士断腕”的决心，继续推进改革。
时政评论员汪北稷：“中共不但是在政治上高度腐败跟独裁，也是在经济上高度腐败和独裁，李克强所要维护的，所要“壮士断腕”，也是这种高度的政治跟经济双重独裁的政权，并不是一个开创全新的政治局面和经济局面的健康社会的改革。”
北京时政观察人士华颇分析，李克强的讲话是针对中共的几个利益集团，他想要打破原来的利益格局。
北京时政观察人士华颇：“单从经济改革的层面来讲，他再深入那就是要分，既得利益集团的蛋糕了，所以既得利益集团必然会进行疯狂的反扑，我想这种改革也是举步维艰的。”
早在3月17号的新总理首场记者会上，李克强就曾誓言，改革进入“深水区”，对政府削权要有壮士断腕的决心，言出必行，说到做到。
华颇：“他要‘壮士断腕’，但是这种既得利益集团这个癌细胞已经扩散到整个体制的全身，‘腕子’出问题，咬咬牙把‘腕子’可以去掉，但是这个癌细胞扩散到头部了，这脑袋能够给它砍下去吗？”
华颇指出，现在已经不是豪言壮语喊改革就能解决问题的，而是要“先死再重生”。
汪北稷：“中共现在社会国家体制遇到的最大问题不是不经济改革，而是不政治改革，经济改革的成果，需要法制社会，法制的国家来保障，法制虚无飘渺的状况下，妄谈改革，妄谈经济上的动作，这是一种奢望，不治本。”
汪北稷认为，中共30年来经济改革方面做了很多动作，口号叫的震天响，虽有一定的成效，但却留下一个社会乱局。
汪北稷：“一方面邀请外国的资本，来中国一起分享盗取中国人民的利益，一方面把国际金融界的秩序和道德风气向下拉，然后，整个太子党或权贵阶层，互相一起商量，分割经济的蛋糕，像石油领域的周永康家人亲戚都摆在公众面前。”
去年，媒体就曾曝光，前中共政法委书记周永康父子利用其家族所垄断的石油系统和政法委系统的影响力，大搞权钱交易，至少集聚200亿的财富。
《纽约时报》曾报导，中共太子党利用家族权势，掌控中国经济命脉并瓜分国家财富。其中，前党魁江泽民的儿子江绵恒，他掌控的公司除了经营电信、半导体等，还是中国最大中外合作文化项目上海东方梦工厂中方投资者﹔前总理李鹏之女李小琳是中电国际董事长，儿子李小鹏曾任华能国际董事长。
中国法学家袁红冰：“中国的所谓的经济改革，人民所创造的财富，通过权贵市场经济的这个机制，像滔滔不绝的洪水一般涌入到了贪官污吏的钱袋里，由此造成的这种严重的两级分化，不仅摧毁了社会的正义，同时也摧毁了人们对于道德的信心。”
香港《前哨》8月号预测中共末日将至，报导说，总结以往独裁政权的解体过程，中共的崩溃过程将分三阶段。从现在至2014年是经济崩溃，2015年是政治崩溃，而2016年则是全社会整体性大崩溃。
采访编辑/李韵 后制/周天
Economic Reform Cannot Cure China's Terminal Illness
On Sept. 10, Premier Li Keqiang attended the 2013 summer
Davos Forum in Dalian as an entrepreneur representative.
He vowed to continue economic reform
with great determination.
Analysts believe that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
has terminal cancer, which has spread to the entire body,
and no amount of determination can help to cure.
Li Keqiang said that economic reform offers not only great
bonuses but also challenges.
However, the Party is determined to continue to move
forward with economic reform.
Wang Beijie, current affairs commentator: "The CCP
is a highly corrupt dictator both politically and economically.
What Li determines to maintain is a high degree of both
political and economic dictatorialship, not a new politically
and economically healthy social reform."
Hua Po, Beijing current affairs observer, believes that Li's
speech was for a few interests groups,
instead of the old interests groups.
Hua Po: "In terms of economic reform, he wants to divide
the economic cake, which will force interests groups
to fight back.
I think this kind of reform will face great difficulties."
During his first press conference on March 17, 2013,
Li vowed the reform will reach the deep end, cut
government's power and what he promised
will be carried out.
Hua Po: "Regarding special interests groups, they are
the terminal cancer that has spread to the brain.
Whatever determination Li wants to use,
he cannot cut his head off, can he?”
Hua further points out that the rhetoric of economic reform
will not solve the problem; only death and rebirth can.
Wang Beijie: "The CCP's biggest problem is not economic
or political reform, but a state of rule of law.
A society protects the achievements from economic reform
with the rule of law.
With our current legal situation, any reform is only fantasy,
but not a cure.”
Wang believes that for the last 30 years, the CCP did many
things and loudly shouted slogans.
Despite some success, it left a social chaos.
Wang Bijie: "On the one hand, it invites foreign investment
to China and shares the profits of the Chinese people.
On the other hand, it brought down the international financial
order and moral ethos.
The entire princeling, or elite class, in China divide
the economic cake, such as Zhou Yongkang's family
and relatives who hog the oil industry
before the public's eyes.”
Last year, media outlets had exposed that Zhou Yongkang,
former secretary of the Politics and Law Committee,
and his son, used his position to monopolize the oil
industry and acquired at least 20 billion in wealth.
The New York Times reported that the CCP princelings
use family power to control China's economic lifeline
and share national wealth.
Among them, Jiang Mianheng, the son of former leader
Jiang Zemin, controls telecommunications
and semiconductors, as well as invests in many large
Sino-foreign joint cultural projects.
In addition, Li Xiaolin, daughter of former Premier Li Peng,
is the chairman of China Power International.
Her brother, Li Xiaopeng, is the chairman
of Huaneng Power International.
Yuan Hongbing, Chinese law expert: "The so-called economic
reform is that after wealth is created by the people, it flows
endlessly into the pockets of corrupt officials through this
power-market economic mechanism.
Thus, it caused a serious polarization, which not only destroys
social justice, but also destroys people's confidence in morals."
The August issue of Hong Kong's Outpost magazine predicted
that the end of the CCP is near.
The report said that the process of the CCP's disintegration
will be divided into three phases:
an economic collapse from now till 2014, a political collapse
in 2015, and an overall crash of the entire society in 2016.
李克强说，经济改革既蕴藏着巨大红利，也是触动利益的事情，因此也是挑战。但是，中共当局将用“壮士断腕”的决心，继续推进改革。
时政评论员汪北稷：“中共不但是在政治上高度腐败跟独裁，也是在经济上高度腐败和独裁，李克强所要维护的，所要“壮士断腕”，也是这种高度的政治跟经济双重独裁的政权，并不是一个开创全新的政治局面和经济局面的健康社会的改革。”
北京时政观察人士华颇分析，李克强的讲话是针对中共的几个利益集团，他想要打破原来的利益格局。
北京时政观察人士华颇：“单从经济改革的层面来讲，他再深入那就是要分，既得利益集团的蛋糕了，所以既得利益集团必然会进行疯狂的反扑，我想这种改革也是举步维艰的。”
早在3月17号的新总理首场记者会上，李克强就曾誓言，改革进入“深水区”，对政府削权要有壮士断腕的决心，言出必行，说到做到。
华颇：“他要‘壮士断腕’，但是这种既得利益集团这个癌细胞已经扩散到整个体制的全身，‘腕子’出问题，咬咬牙把‘腕子’可以去掉，但是这个癌细胞扩散到头部了，这脑袋能够给它砍下去吗？”
华颇指出，现在已经不是豪言壮语喊改革就能解决问题的，而是要“先死再重生”。
汪北稷：“中共现在社会国家体制遇到的最大问题不是不经济改革，而是不政治改革，经济改革的成果，需要法制社会，法制的国家来保障，法制虚无飘渺的状况下，妄谈改革，妄谈经济上的动作，这是一种奢望，不治本。”
汪北稷认为，中共30年来经济改革方面做了很多动作，口号叫的震天响，虽有一定的成效，但却留下一个社会乱局。
汪北稷：“一方面邀请外国的资本，来中国一起分享盗取中国人民的利益，一方面把国际金融界的秩序和道德风气向下拉，然后，整个太子党或权贵阶层，互相一起商量，分割经济的蛋糕，像石油领域的周永康家人亲戚都摆在公众面前。”
去年，媒体就曾曝光，前中共政法委书记周永康父子利用其家族所垄断的石油系统和政法委系统的影响力，大搞权钱交易，至少集聚200亿的财富。
《纽约时报》曾报导，中共太子党利用家族权势，掌控中国经济命脉并瓜分国家财富。其中，前党魁江泽民的儿子江绵恒，他掌控的公司除了经营电信、半导体等，还是中国最大中外合作文化项目上海东方梦工厂中方投资者﹔前总理李鹏之女李小琳是中电国际董事长，儿子李小鹏曾任华能国际董事长。
中国法学家袁红冰：“中国的所谓的经济改革，人民所创造的财富，通过权贵市场经济的这个机制，像滔滔不绝的洪水一般涌入到了贪官污吏的钱袋里，由此造成的这种严重的两级分化，不仅摧毁了社会的正义，同时也摧毁了人们对于道德的信心。”
香港《前哨》8月号预测中共末日将至，报导说，总结以往独裁政权的解体过程，中共的崩溃过程将分三阶段。从现在至2014年是经济崩溃，2015年是政治崩溃，而2016年则是全社会整体性大崩溃。
采访编辑/李韵 后制/周天
Economic Reform Cannot Cure China's Terminal Illness
On Sept. 10, Premier Li Keqiang attended the 2013 summer
Davos Forum in Dalian as an entrepreneur representative.
He vowed to continue economic reform
with great determination.
Analysts believe that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)
has terminal cancer, which has spread to the entire body,
and no amount of determination can help to cure.
Li Keqiang said that economic reform offers not only great
bonuses but also challenges.
However, the Party is determined to continue to move
forward with economic reform.
Wang Beijie, current affairs commentator: "The CCP
is a highly corrupt dictator both politically and economically.
What Li determines to maintain is a high degree of both
political and economic dictatorialship, not a new politically
and economically healthy social reform."
Hua Po, Beijing current affairs observer, believes that Li's
speech was for a few interests groups,
instead of the old interests groups.
Hua Po: "In terms of economic reform, he wants to divide
the economic cake, which will force interests groups
to fight back.
I think this kind of reform will face great difficulties."
During his first press conference on March 17, 2013,
Li vowed the reform will reach the deep end, cut
government's power and what he promised
will be carried out.
Hua Po: "Regarding special interests groups, they are
the terminal cancer that has spread to the brain.
Whatever determination Li wants to use,
he cannot cut his head off, can he?”
Hua further points out that the rhetoric of economic reform
will not solve the problem; only death and rebirth can.
Wang Beijie: "The CCP's biggest problem is not economic
or political reform, but a state of rule of law.
A society protects the achievements from economic reform
with the rule of law.
With our current legal situation, any reform is only fantasy,
but not a cure.”
Wang believes that for the last 30 years, the CCP did many
things and loudly shouted slogans.
Despite some success, it left a social chaos.
Wang Bijie: "On the one hand, it invites foreign investment
to China and shares the profits of the Chinese people.
On the other hand, it brought down the international financial
order and moral ethos.
The entire princeling, or elite class, in China divide
the economic cake, such as Zhou Yongkang's family
and relatives who hog the oil industry
before the public's eyes.”
Last year, media outlets had exposed that Zhou Yongkang,
former secretary of the Politics and Law Committee,
and his son, used his position to monopolize the oil
industry and acquired at least 20 billion in wealth.
The New York Times reported that the CCP princelings
use family power to control China's economic lifeline
and share national wealth.
Among them, Jiang Mianheng, the son of former leader
Jiang Zemin, controls telecommunications
and semiconductors, as well as invests in many large
Sino-foreign joint cultural projects.
In addition, Li Xiaolin, daughter of former Premier Li Peng,
is the chairman of China Power International.
Her brother, Li Xiaopeng, is the chairman
of Huaneng Power International.
Yuan Hongbing, Chinese law expert: "The so-called economic
reform is that after wealth is created by the people, it flows
endlessly into the pockets of corrupt officials through this
power-market economic mechanism.
Thus, it caused a serious polarization, which not only destroys
social justice, but also destroys people's confidence in morals."
The August issue of Hong Kong's Outpost magazine predicted
that the end of the CCP is near.
The report said that the process of the CCP's disintegration
will be divided into three phases:
an economic collapse from now till 2014, a political collapse
in 2015, and an overall crash of the entire society in 2016.
